Michael Dennis' Letter
to the Freedmen's Bureau,
November 30, 1865
Contribution and Introduction by David E. Paterson
Anyone who has ever ventured into the voluminous records of
the Freedmen's Bureau can testify to how difficult it is to find much in there of a
genealogical nature (local historians, on the other hand, can go wild). Occasionally,
however, the researcher may stumble across an exceptional document that is both
historically and genealogically significant. The following letter comes from the National
Archives, Record Group 105, "Records of the Assistant Commissioner for the State of
Georgia, Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, 1865-1869," often simply
called "The Freedmen's Bureau Papers." It is found in Unregistered Letters
Received, A-W, 1865 (National Archives Microfilm Publication No. 798, Roll 24).
This letter is, perhaps, unique because it names the freed
populations of two plantations in Early County in November 1865. One of the plantations
was owned by Michael Dennis, the other was controlled by Dennis as administrator of the
Thomas C. Grimes estate. The people are described by name, age, and fitness for farm labor
(for example, "No. 1" was the best quality of farmhand). They are grouped in
"families," although the nature of the kinship is not explicitly stated. The
small size and constitution of most of these "families" suggests that most
contain only fragments of what we would consider a nuclear family. It would be interesting
to see what additional information could be gleaned from the probate papers of the Grimes
estate, especially if the Inventory and Appraisement occurred before Emancipation (and
therefore would list the slaves). It would also be interesting to see how many of these
persons remained in Early County, and to compare family structure, by the time of the 1870
Federal Census.
The historian will find much of interest in Michael Dennis'
letter, especially his broad hints to the Bureau (without actually saying so) that the
freedpeople on his farms should be compelled by the Federal Government into signing
contracts with him. Downplaying his own self-interest, Dennis appeals to "the
dictates of humanity" in caring for the freedpeople, and cites several other reasons
of national self-interest, extending even to the international balance of trade with
Europe!
If, as Dennis states, many of the freedpeople wanted to
return to Middle Georgia, their strongest motive was probably to reunite with relatives
and friends. Dennis, however, wants the Bureau to believe that they simply (and foolishly)
long to farm the worn-out "sedge-fields" at their old homes. His statement that
"most of them, having exhausted the soil in Middle Georgia, were sent off to
cultivate more fertile land" insinuates that the former slaves, themselves, might
have been responsible for ruining the old lands! Of course, such comments meant to suggest
that the freedpeople were irrational by nature, unable to exercise successful
independence, and that benevolent former masters like Dennis were best qualified to advise
the Bureau in solving Georgia's new free-labor problems.
Enough of my words, here's the letter:
Eatonton, Ga., Novr 30, 1865
Brig. Gen. Tilson, Acting Assistant Commissioner
Freedman's Bureau, &c.
General,
I beg leave to ask your advice and assistance touching a
matter related to your department.
I am owner of a plantation in Early county, in this state,
and control, as administrator of Thomas C. Grimes, dec'd, another one adjoining it. On the
two plantations are more than one hundred negroes, a little over half being non-workers. I
have lately visited the two places, and read your "Circular No. 2" to the
freedmen, and endeavored to make contracts with them for another year. This they
positively refused to do, for any consideration, expressing a determination to return to
Middle Georgia, whence they removed, several years ago.
I offered them comfortable houses and fuel gratis. Then I
proposed to pay them such an amount of wages, reasonable and just, whatever the amount
might be determined, as would enable them to procure a sufficiency of good food and
clothing, and make something extra. Had they contracted with me, I expected to have
provided a sufficiency of food, (and clothing where necessary) for supplying them. But I
thought I would add such an amount to their wages as would be necessary to clothe and feed
them, and then let them purchase in quantities to suit themselves, either from me, or
anyone else proposing; at the same time to purchase food and clothing for them,
wherever they could find it cheapest, and deliver it to them at cost charging them
nothing for hauling it in my own wagons.
My reason for making this proposition (touching their
buying their own food and clothing) was because the negroes themselves prefer it.
As long as they are allowanced, they do not feel like free men. They want the
privilege of buying their supplies, without being allowanced, from
their employers, or wherever it may suit their convenience, or wishes.
But as I have said, the freedmen refused to contract, upon
any terms, however advantageous. If they continue to do so, I shall have to apply to the
Bureau for fifty able-bodied hands for the two places I have mentioned. It would be best
for all parties, however, particularly the negroes themselves, that the freedmen should
remain where they now are, because then the old and decrepid ones, and the children would
be provided for: whereas, if they leave their present homes, the non-workers will either
become a charge upon the Bureau, or die of starvation.
It would be best for me, were I to take only my own interest
into consideration, to have none on my places but able-bodied hands. But I trust, Sir,
that I will never forget the dictates of humanity, nor cease to take an interest in the
welfare of those who were lately my slaves. If the colored people could be induced to
remain where they now are, certainly it would be best for them.
My opinion is that in spite of your commendable efforts to
disabuse their minds on the subject, the colored people do still expect a division
of property among them at Christmas though they say they do not. And this is one
reason why they almost universally refuse to make contracts for another year. In fact, one
negro, near this place, said, a few days ago, that the colored people had positive orders
from "the Yankees" as he expressed it, not to make contracts until Christmas. It
is thus that the poor creatures deceive themselves. My great fear is, that they will
refuse to contract until too late to make a cotton crop a crop which our government
now needs above all others, for the sake of the gold it would bring us from Europe.
Another reason why the colored people, in South Western
Georgia, will not contract, is that most of them, having exhausted the soil in Middle
Georgia, were sent off to cultivate more fertile land, in another part of the state. These
all expect to flock back to the old sedge-fields of their former homes. The result will
be, an excess of the colored people, in Middle Georgia, attended with pauperism, and
crime, and an abandonment of our most productive lands to weeds and bushes. This is likely
to become a question of serious moment, and I beg leave to respectfully call your
attention to it. This I am the more emboldened to do, because I see, in the course you
pursue, an honest effort to do the best you can for all classes of our population: and I
believe you will receive, kindly, any suggestions made by a planter of experience
one who knows the character of the colored people, and who is acquainted with their wants,
and the agricultural wants of the country.
But I am going off into generalities, when my only object was
to seek your counsel and assistance in my own particular case. Is it compatible with your
duties, and powers, to do anything for me, in the premises?
In order to give you a better idea of the condition of the
negroes on my plantations, I enclose you a list of their names, ages, &c.
I beg leave, also, to state that, upon applying to Lieut.
Frank P. Taggart commanding the detachment at Blakely, Early Co., Ga., he furnished me
with Private Leander Smith an intelligent and clever gentleman of the 145th
Indiana Regiment, who went with me to my plantations, and endeavored to persuade the
freedmen to make contracts but all in vain. To Mr. Smith, I beg leave to refer you
touching the truth of what I have written you which I do because I am a stranger to
you.
I have thus presented you with my case, and if you deem it
proper, I would be glad to have instructions from you at an early day. It is all-important
to planters, and the country, that they should now know what to depend upon for
another year.
Respectfully,
Michael Dennis
By J. A. Turner
P. S. [illegible]
[The following lists are attached to the letter. Ditto marks
in the original have been replaced with the indicated text to improve readability on
web-browsers.]
Negroes on the Dennis Place
Matt |
man |
40 years of age |
No. 1 |
Matilda |
woman |
45 years of age |
unsound |
Van |
boy |
18 years of age |
No. 1 |
Julia Ann |
girl |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
Eada |
girl |
10 years of age |
|
Dave |
boy |
5 years of age |
|
Jerry |
child |
1 year of age |
|
Family No 1 as above
Lucy |
woman |
40 years of age |
unsound |
Judy |
woman |
18 years of age |
No. 2 |
William |
boy |
16 years of age |
weakly |
Sylvia |
girl |
12 years of age |
|
George |
boy |
10 years of age |
|
Family No. 2 as above.
Mahala |
woman |
35 years of age |
unsound |
Monroe |
man |
22 years of age |
No. 1 |
Lucy |
woman |
20 years of age |
No. 2 |
Lucy's child |
girl |
4 years of age |
|
Family No. 3 as above.
Henry |
man |
55 years of age |
unsound |
Nancy |
woman |
45 years of age |
No. 2 |
Katy |
girl |
12 years of age |
|
Family No. 4 as above.
Littleton |
man |
45 years of age |
sore leg |
Emeline |
woman |
45 years of age |
unsound |
Richard |
man |
21 years of age |
No. 1 |
Milly Ann |
girl |
17 years of age |
No. 2 |
Family No. 5 as above
Betsy |
woman |
50 years of age |
|
Patsy |
girl |
13 years of age |
No. 3 |
Miles |
boy |
10 years of age |
|
Amanda |
girl |
7 years of age |
|
4 small children 5 years 3
years 18 months 8 mo's. |
Family No. 6 as above
Andrew |
man |
35 years of age |
No. 1 |
Charity |
woman |
28 years of age |
No. 2 |
Eddy |
boy |
8 years of age |
|
Family No. 7 as above
Henrietta |
woman |
70 years of age |
unsound |
Lou |
girl |
18 years of age |
rheumatic |
Margaret |
girl |
10 years of age |
|
Bill |
boy |
25 years of age |
No. 1 |
Rhoda |
woman |
19 years of age |
No. 2 |
Family No. 8 as above
Jim |
man |
40 years of age |
No. 1 |
Martha |
woman |
32 years of age |
No. 2 |
Lucinda |
girl |
6 years of age |
|
Sanford |
boy |
4 years of age |
|
Jim |
boy |
2 months |
|
Family No. 9 as above
Nick |
man |
25 years of age |
No. 1 |
|
|
|
|
Harvey |
boy |
18 years of age |
No. 1 |
|
|
|
|
Arnold |
boy |
19 years of age |
No. 1 |
|
|
|
|
Josh |
man |
28 years of age |
No. 1 |
|
|
|
|
Elbert |
man |
62 years of age |
No. 2 |
|
|
|
|
Allen |
boy |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
|
|
|
|
Mary |
woman |
20 years of age |
No. 2 |
Negroes on Grimes Place
Family No. 1
Umphrey |
man |
55 years of age |
unsound |
Marah |
woman |
35 years of age |
unsound |
Henrietta |
girl |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
Bill |
boy |
12 years of age |
|
Delfy |
girl |
10 years of age |
|
Celia |
girl |
8 years of age |
|
Family No. 2
Clarissa |
woman |
55 years of age |
No. 1 |
John |
man |
28 years of age |
No. 1 |
Stephen |
man |
25 years of age |
No. 1 |
Little Clarissa |
girl |
17 years of age |
unsound |
Mary |
girl |
12 years of age |
|
Family No. 3
Marah |
woman |
35 years of age |
unsound |
Wash |
boy |
16 years of age |
No. 2 |
Anna |
girl |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
Adeline |
girl |
12 years of age |
|
Jim |
boy |
10 years of age |
|
Bob |
boy |
8 years of age |
|
Family No. 4
Dorcas |
woman |
40 years of age |
unsound |
Austin |
man |
26 years of age |
No. 1 |
Hurston |
boy |
16 years of age |
No. 2 |
Ibby |
girl |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
|
|
|
|
Viny |
girl |
10 [years of age]} orphans |
|
Adeline |
girl |
9 [ years of age] } |
|
Family No. 5
Adaline |
|
50 years of age |
No. 3 |
Sol |
boy |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
Louy |
girl |
12 years of age |
|
Harry |
boy |
11 years of age |
|
Silas |
boy |
9 years of age |
|
Jenny |
girl |
8 years of age |
|
Family No. 6
Martha |
woman |
28 years of age |
No. 2 |
Pete |
man |
19 years of age |
No. 1 |
Jinsy |
girl |
17 years of age |
No. 2 |
Fanny |
girl |
15 years of age |
No. 3 |
Cornetus |
boy |
10 years of age |
|
Family No. 7
Harry |
man |
85 years of age |
|
Ibby |
woman |
65 years of age |
|
Joe |
boy |
12 years of age |
orphan |
Cornelia |
girl |
8 years of age |
|
Family No. 7 [sic]
Peter |
man |
40 years of age |
No. 3 |
Mariah |
woman |
35 years of age |
unsound |
Strirling [sic] |
boy |
16 years of age |
No. 1 |
Letha |
girl |
14 years of age |
No. 3 |
Addison |
boy |
12 years of age |
|
Andrew |
boy |
10 years of age |
|
Family No. 8
Fanny |
woman |
68 years of age |
|
Abe |
man |
27 years of age |
No. 3 |
Family No. 9
Seaborn |
man |
40 years of age |
No. 1 |
Frances |
woman |
35 years of age |
No. 2 |
Liz |
girl |
12 years of age |
} orphans |
William |
boy |
10 years of age |
} |
Family No. 10
Gilbert |
man |
18 years of age |
No. 1 |
Charles |
man |
30 years of age |
unsound |
Ann |
woman |
20 years of age} |
No. 2 |
Rose |
girl |
15 years of age}orphans |
No. 3 |
July |
girl |
13 years of age} |
No. 3 |
Harrison |
man |
20 years of age |
No. 2 |
Simon |
boy |
7 years of age |
|
one boy (name
forgotten) |
5 years of age |
|
Willie |
|
3 years of age |
|
(Several other children, whose names are forgotten, both in
this and the other list.)
|